63 pages 2 hours read

We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2017

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Chapter 3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 3, Section 1 Summary: “Notes from the Third Year"

Looking back, Coates wonders why he didn’t see the Trump presidency coming: Any period of seeming racial progress is always followed by White backlash, and the Obama presidency was no different.

Coates only recognized this enduring cycle because the third year of the Obama presidency coincided with the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, inspiring Coates to become a history buff. As he consumed information about the war, Coates realized that White supremacy was not an aberration in America’s identity; it is a central, defining element of the American “brand,” no matter how much popular sentiment about the war, for example, obscures the role of White supremacy in American history.

The periods of so-called progress have their own myths that reflect Americans’ desire to believe in a "progressive American history" in which the dominance of White supremacy is a temporary, hypocritical departure from America’s love of freedom (65). In the essay that follows, Coates argues that observers of American history have all misread Reconstruction, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Obama presidency as proof of an inevitable march to progress on issues of race. 

Chapter 3, Section 2 Summary: “Why Do So Few Blacks Study the Civil War?”

Coates opens the essay with an anecdote about his seventh-grade trip to Gettysburg, site of a national park dedicated to the history of the pivotal Civil War battle that occurred there. All he remembers about the trip is his sense of alienation from the history captured in the park. Reflecting on this alienation, Coates now concludes that it is the result of miscasting of the war as a “tragedy, failed compromise, and individual gallantry” (73).

White Americans and many historians find this notion of the war more palatable because it helps them paper over the violence of the war and the shamefulness of the idea that White Americans would kill each other in order to own Black people. The truth is that the country built itself on the ownership of Black people, and the continued presence of Black people in America makes it impossible to forget this chapter in American history.

American historians, especially Southern ones, constructed a Lost Cause mythology to deal with their unease about this history. By their account, Black people had no role in the war, and Southerners fought not to expropriate Black lives but for the sake of honor. According to Lost Cause mythology, Southerners lost because they were outnumbered, not because there was something deeply flawed about their cause. This Lost Cause mythology is everywhere if one studies the Civil War, watches popular representations of the era such as Gone with the Wind, or even reads Black writers of the Post-Reconstruction period such as Booker T. Washington.

Coates began to peel back the myths in 2011 after reading James McPherson’s Battle Cry of Freedom, in which the author argues that a whole generation of Black leadership cut its teeth by participating in the Civil War and that the war ushered the United States into modernity. In both his reading and his travels to battle sites, Coates found a counternarrative to the Lost Cause. Black people saw the war as just vengeance on slave-owning White people and a country founded on their enslavement. Coates eventually saw the war as "the first great defense of democracy in the modern West" (80).

Books by authors like William Faulkner, the flying of the Confederate battle flag, and Confederate monuments in American cities are all "totems of the empire of slavery" (80), which is based on theft and plunder on a large scale. America refuses to reckon with the true nature of its identity and founding, so it can never truly live up to its ideals.

Everyone—Southerners, Northerners, pragmatists, radicals, and believers in nonviolent political action—is in denial about the true nature of the war. Given that everyone else has their own story about the war, Coates thinks it is past time for Black Americans to tell theirs.

Chapter 3 Analysis

The note and essay for this section mark a shift toward more rigorous and documented discussion of historiography, the study of how historians construct historical narratives. Coates is specifically interested in the impact of yet another myth—“the noble Lost Cause” (74)—on how the story of the Civil War is told and the resulting impact on Black Americans’ relationship with their own history.

On display in the essay in particular is the more intellectually mature Coates who grounds his arguments in his growing understanding of American history. Coates uses the note to explore this epoch in his intellectual history in a more personal way—he describes becoming a Civil War buff and voraciously reading as he sought to come to terms with the story America tells itself about the Civil War. He also uses an anecdote about going to Gettysburg National Park as a child as a hook for the essay. These more personal reflections allow the reader to see the direct impact relatively abstract discussions about the construction of historical narratives can have on ordinary people.

Beyond the personal anecdotes, Coates includes standard scholarly works in history, primary documents, pop culture references, and autobiographies by political figures. His use of these sources both establishes his credibility as a writer and provides a model of self-education for the lay (Black) reader not accustomed to diving deeply into this period of history. By providing this model of self-education, Coates is showing the reader how to accomplish what he pleads for in the close of his essay: Black Americans who study and create historical narratives because they have a stake in the history.

Coates argues that such engagement is only possible once one understands the impact of and damage caused by unexamined myths. Coates examines in detail two central myths of America: that Black Americans were mere objects and bystanders to the Civil War and that the War itself was a noble but ultimately doomed effort of the South to preserve a way of life. Coates uses his own engagement with the historical record of the Civil War and direct quotes from important figures like Frederick Douglass to show that the war is anything other than noble and that Black Americans, long engaged in a struggle to be free, were no mere bystanders.

Coates does the work of constructing this alternative historical narrative in the essay itself. Examined closely, the historical record shows a contested story of the war, thus undercutting the idea that history can be confined to a settled, unitary narrative told by one side. Coates presents the Civil War, Reconstruction, and the resulting backlash as a part of a larger story about America, namely its deep White supremacy.

This increasing focus on the centrality of White supremacy anticipates a sharp turn in the second half of the collection to showing the White supremacist reality behind the myth of America as the land of the free. This critical examination of myths about American history is also a reflection of Coates’s belief that it is his job as a creator of narratives to tell the truth, no matter how ugly.

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