45 pages 1 hour read

The State and Revolution

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1917

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Themes

The State as Instrument of Class Warfare

Many socialists and Marxists believe that it is possible to transform the state from within, winning public support and electoral power in order to enact policies beneficial to the working class. Lenin does not necessarily oppose such efforts: He sees them as the logical result of a capitalist society which grants people the right to vote even as it robs them of economic power. However, he insists that it is not sufficient. Regardless of who is in charge, regardless of how political power is distributed and institutionalized, the state is by its very nature a “special coercive force" (1.5) specifically designed to keep the working classes in subjection.

Lenin asserts that the modern state is itself a product of capitalism. Technological advancements make it possible for governments to exert total control over a territory and the people within it. Since this technological development also results in the immiseration of the workers, the growth of the state coincides with the development of repressive techniques that act as a “parasite” (2.2) on the very social order it is designed to protect. Lenin predicts that the state will become more centralized and capable in its repressive apparatus, driving greater masses of people into greater desperation, until a revolutionary tidal wave seizes control of the state.

Lenin argues that reformist socialists who get too comfortable with parliamentary systems lose sight of the state’s inherently oppressive nature. Reformist socialists in Lenin’s day blanched at the prospect of violent revolution, priding themselves on being “anti-authoritarians” (4.1.2) who would use power justly in contrast to their oppressors. Lenin has nothing but contempt for such sentimentality, arguing that this moderation is cowardice which only helps the bourgeois retain their hold on power. Class war is war, and the workers must be willing to use all means necessary to secure a victory, just as an army would hardly refuse to adopt a superior weapon developed by their enemy. The dictatorship of the proletariat will be brutal in its quest to "crush the resistance of the bourgeoisie” (4.1.2), but Lenin insists on a substantive difference between class warfare on behalf of a minority (i.e., the bourgeoisie) and class warfare on behalf of the majority (i.e., the proletariat). The latter can actually be won, thereby rendering the need for class warfare unnecessary.

Without class warfare, Lenin argues, the state itself will inevitably start to “wither away” (4.2.2) until government itself becomes unnecessary, as the main cause of conflict throughout modern human history will no longer be present. Thus, Lenin argues an ideal society can only be achieved through the abolishment of the state and its centralizing power, not its reformation.

The Whitewashing of Marxist Theory

In State and Revolution, Lenin seeks to address what he regards as some of the misconceptions that have accrued in the Marxist ideological tradition. Lenin openly criticizes fellow Marxists who, in his opinion, have lost sight of the true theory and put forth a watered-down version. Lenin asserts that the whitewashing of Marxist theory jeopardizes the true revolutionary mission of genuine Marxists.

Throughout the text, Lenin heaps insults upon socialists and Marxists whom he regards as misrepresenting Marxism, calling them “opportunists” whose works are a “hideous distortion” (6.2) of the true theory. They are “sham socialists” (2.1) who either unwittingly or intentionally serve the interests of the ruling class by pruning Marxism of its revolutionary vigor. They are “bourgeois reformists” (4.2.) naively assuming that they can reform capitalism, while playing by capitalist rules of legitimate political activity. Lenin is thus especially explicit in denouncing socialists who, in embracing parliamentary democracy, ignore or doubt the role of The State as Instrument of Class Warfare.

Lenin argues that some of these socialists seem to behave out of squeamishness, insisting that they are “anti-authoritarians” (4.1.2) who refuse on principle to adapt the violent tactics of their adversaries. He uses Karl Kautsky (See: Key Figures) as an example, arguing that Kautsky has publicly wavered in committing to the necessity of violent revolution. He claims that others enjoy the perks of participation in a bourgeois system, like prestigious offices and proximity to the corridors of power. Whatever the reason, Lenin asserts that they cede the title of Marxists if they fail to acknowledge that the ultimate goal must be the seizure of state power, the subsequent use of that power to destroy the bourgeois, and then the withering away of the state as true communism comes into being.

In some sections, Lenin qualifies his critique of his fellow socialists by acknowledging the importance of politicking as a worthwhile step on the road to revolution. He himself had been a member of the Social Democratic Labor Party, which held seats in the Russian Duma (parliament) after the 1905 uprising against the Tsar. Lenin concedes that socialist parties, especially in Germany, “were able to achieve far more than in other countries in the way of ‘utilizing legality’” (5.2), even though their members represented only a fraction of the actual working classes. These organizations performed on a small scale what a true people’s democracy would enact on a larger scale; to that extent, they were and can be valuable.

However, Lenin stresses that the problem arises when they regard such activities as ends unto themselves, rather than as an intermediate phase before the proletarian revolution smashes state power, leading to the ultimate dissolution of all political activity.

Communism Is Not a Utopia

Marxism is sometimes described as a utopian philosophy. The term “utopia” is a play on words which, depending upon the pronunciation, refers to the Greek word for “the best place” or “no place.” The term commonly refers to ideas which sound wonderful in theory but have little practical value. Lenin is well-aware of these criticisms of Marxism, and eager to refute them.

Lenin admits that full communism may indeed be a distant prospect, one which Marx and Engels did not see in their lifetime and which Lenin does not expect to see in his own. However, Lenin insists that the progression toward a communist society is a question of science, stating, “Marx treated the question of communism in the same way as a naturalist would treat the question of the development of, say, a new biological variety, once he knew that it had originated in such and such a way and was changing in such and such a definite direction” (5.1). This scientific metaphor reveals that, like evolution, the process of achieving communism is a series of actions and struggles and not a perfected end-state.

Lenin therefore asserts that communism is the final stage of a historical process that is already underway. Capitalism, with its enormous technological advancements, has obliterated the last traces of premodern society, depositing the people who once lived in villages and farmsteads into sprawling cities, where their identities have been submerged into the proletarian masses. This in turn has led to “a more or less complete democracy” (5.1) in some European countries, albeit one in which the ruling classes are still pulling the strings behind the scenes while constitutions and legislatures fool people into thinking they are actually free.

Eventually, Lenin argues, the people will start to discern the sharp limits of their freedom. Whenever they push back, they will meet with the repressive apparatus of the state, the “special bodies of armed men having prisons, etc., at their command” (1.2). The state will be ready to use deadly force against any attempt by the majority to protest their marginalization. Sooner or later, the politically organized masses will be able to seize that repressive apparatus for themselves through revolution and use it to crush the bourgeois who are in fact a tiny minority.  

At that point, class warfare is a thing of the past, and state itself will no longer be necessary: “[T]he door will be thrown wide open for the transition from the first phase of communist society to its higher phase, and with it to the complete withering away of the state” (5.4). For Lenin, it is only a matter of time and correctly interpreting the signals of history before humanity reaches its logical end-state.

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