43 pages 1 hour read

The Origins of Totalitarianism

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1951

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Part 2, Chapters 5-7Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Imperialism”

Part 2, Chapter 5 Summary: “The Political Emancipation of the Bourgeoisie”

Chapter 5 begins with an epigraph by Cecil Rhodes: “I would annex the planets if I could” (121). This quotation summarizes the mood of imperialism. Chapter 5 explores the connection among power, expansion, race, ideology, and politics, arguing that imperialism forms out of the rise and subsequent aims of the bourgeoisie, the capitalist class who owns and controls most of the wealth and means of production in a society. Arendt cites Cecil Rhodes, the British imperialist who colonized much of South Africa, as a figurehead of imperialism. She reiterates that imperialism paved the way for totalitarianism through its affinity for domination, bureaucratic rule, and expansion.

Arendt points to the limitations of imperialism as leading to the need for totalitarianism to exert control. The political influence of the nation-state is limited, and it will always weaken as it encounters diverse peoples and their resistance. An imperialist agenda operates outside the nation-state. Arendt suggests that capitalism always needs non-capitalist people whom it can exploit for cheap labor and resources. A nationalist perspective limits this capitalistic power and prevents the kind of thinking necessary for conquering other peoples. The political emancipation of the bourgeoisie is the release of this wealthy class to pursue unfettered wealth and power outside the nation state.

Imperialism created the perfect opportunity for the bourgeoisie to rule and operate outside of the confines of law or ethics through bureaucracy. Totalitarianism removed the limitation of imperialism through a complete exertion of violence and terror to obtain a goal. Arendt also points to philosopher Thomas Hobbes and the ways in which his ideas formed a basis for imperialism. Thomas Hobbes created a way of thinking that turned power into justification for violence. Although his work did not directly discuss race, paved the way for the racism of totalitarian movements. Finally, Arendt explores the relationship between the mob and the bourgeoisie. Both groups, she argues, need one another. The mob can function immorally so long as they submit to the needs of the bourgeoisie

Part 2, Chapter 6 Summary: “Race-Thinking Before Racism”

In Chapter 6, Arendt suggests that race-thinking is not the same thing as racism. Race-thinking, she says, is a set of opinions one might have about race. Individuals have opinions that are sometimes even prejudiced and discriminatory, but these opinions are not ideologies. Racism differs from race-thinking in that it is an ideology that can be weaponized to achieve a goal. Arendt also claims that racism and nationalism are not closely connected. In fact, racism destroys the body politic of the nation. Rather, racism is an ideology more likely used by imperialists and, therefore, totalitarian movements.

Arendt also suggests that racism is more closely aligned with imperialism because imperialism employs rule over subject peoples, and racism perpetuates ideas of superiority and inferiority. When imperialist colonizers entered nations, they perceived them as being inferior or less evolved. They saw themselves as superior and as saviors, ideas rooted in racism.

Arendt states that race and bureaucracy are devices of imperialist rule. Looking at these concepts as ideologies allows for an understanding of their political implications, as well as their influence over people. Racism was able to transcend boundaries as an international ideology. She emphasizes again that racism is not related to nationalism, although the rhetoric can often sound similar.

Arendt claims that Darwinism is also an ideology born out of the idea that society is a struggle between the weaker and the stronger. Darwinism, too, can be weaponized, used to justify domination and the idea of eugenics. She relates Darwinism to polygenism, a brand of scientific racism which categorizes humans as having two ancestral types. Darwinism, however, was largely neutral except that it was misused to perpetuate a racist ideology. According to Arendt, both racism and Darwinism capitalize on pre-existent race-thinking, but they are neither the causes nor the effects of race-thinking. 

Part 2, Chapter 7 Summary: Race and Bureaucracy”

Bureaucracy is a key component to imperialist and totalitarian rule. Lord Cromer developed the philosophy of the bureaucracy when the British statesman colonized and violently ruled in Egypt. Colonial bureaucrats reject law and instead use bureaucracy, meaning that exert power through regulations and decentralized offices rather than Parliament. In this way, bureaucracy becomes a type of shadow government through which violence can be enacted. Bureaucracy also means that no single person is at fault when regulations resulted in terror; rather, it perpetuates a pseudo-mysticism that cannot be touched. Arendt states that “bureaucracy was the result of a responsibility that no man can bear for his fellow-man and no people for another people” (207). Bureaucracy is a means to further advance capital gains without being bothered by ethics or morality.

Arendt uses the Dutch Boers as an example of colonial bureaucracy. The Boers viewed Africans as less civilized. The Dutch saw themselves as a savior, chosen to civilize the inferior African peoples which they colonized. They believed it was their divine duty and right to civilize and rule the people of Africa. Racism became the ideology which justified their embrace of bureaucracy and the terrible massacres of African tribes by the Boers. Arendt emphasizes that bureaucracy is an inhumane force. It removes individual accountability because responsibility is diffused across a decentralized administration. Bureaucracy operates in shadows where the decisions and consequences rarely meet face-to-face. The Boers also directed their racism toward the Jewish people and were perturbed , Arendt claims, by the Jews identification as the chosen people, a qualifier the Boers held for themselves.

Imperialism in Africa and the racism of colonizers led to breeding ground of Nazi elite. Here, members of the mob who carried out the functions of the imperialist elite were able to witness the effects of bureaucracy while employing the ideologies of superiority. In this environment, the mob was no longer the bottom rung of the social ladder. 

Part 2, Chapters 5-7 Analysis

The first three chapters in Part 2 explore the rise of imperialism and the roles of the mob and the bourgeoisie within that structure. Arendt suggests that the bourgeoisie is largely responsible for creating a system of imperialism in Europe via their search for wealth. The bourgeoisie discovered that the most effective way to build wealth is through the continuous expansion of power. Utilizing the mob, the bourgeoisie exerted violent control over other nations to capitalize on their people and resources.

The bourgeoisie and the mob’s imperialist agenda resulted in bureaucracy, a system of decentralized governing through regulations. Bureaucracy allowed the bourgeoisie to operate outside of their own nation’s laws and utilize terror and violence to dominate. The mob benefited from this relationship by escaping the traditional morality and ethics of the body politic. Arendt also suggests that the mob’s involvement in imperialistic efforts gave them an education that would later be of use in totalitarian movements. The bourgeoisie benefited by the pursuit of limitless wealth and power.

Although imperialism is not totalitarianism, Arendt argues throughout the book that one paved the way for the other. Imperialism differs from totalitarianism in that it does not seek total world domination. Rather, imperialism is an economical ideology which seeks only to expand wealth, particularly wealth for the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, imperialism planted the seed of creating borderless political movements, and it established a foundation of violence and immorality as a means of accomplishing totalitarian goals.

Both imperialism and totalitarianism are easily perpetuated by uniting around principles of antisemitism and racism (which Arendt distinguishes from “race-thinking”). Racism became a weapon which imperialist and totalitarian leaders could utilize to their advantage. They found it to be highly effective in motivating and mobilizing the mob to achieve their goals. Imperialists felt justified in their violent acts because they believed themselves to be superior to those they subjected and oppressed. Their ideas about superiority and inferiority were founded in a sense of divine selection and supported by pseudo race science. The racism touted by imperialist movements provided a guide for future totalitarian movements on how to weaponize racism to achieve party goals.

In the last two chapters of Part 2, Arendt shifts focus from imperialism to the pan-movements, which act as a bridge between imperialism and totalitarian movements. However, these first three chapters are exceedingly important in understanding Arendt’s overall argument in the book. Imperialism, an action which was practiced by many European countries, including those that continued to reject Nazi and Bolshevik totalitarianism throughout the first half of the 20th century, e.g., Great Britain, contributed to the rise of totalitarianism itself. Therefore, no imperialistic endeavor is without blame, because imperialism is always based upon the idea that one group of people is socially, scientifically, and/or culturally superior to another, an idea rooted in racism. 

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