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Content Warning: This section of the guide includes discussion of eugenics, abortion, and the Holocaust.
Michael J. Sandel is an American philosopher and professor of political philosophy. Born in 1953, Sandel completed a doctorate at Oxford University in 1985 as a Rhodes Scholar. He began teaching at Harvard University in 1981, where his course “Justice” became one of the university’s most popular; over two decades, more than 15,000 students have taken the course. “Justice” is now available online in a recorded format and has been viewed by millions of people worldwide. Sandel’s philosophy revolves around communitarianism, or the idea that individual social identities are largely formed and influenced by the broader community. It is the opposite of individualism. Sandel’s ideas about community and communitarianism can be seen in his approach to bioethics in The Case Against Perfection. He repeatedly emphasizes the importance of solidarity in human societies and warns that efforts to control human biology could result in “[t]hose at the bottom of society [being] viewed not as disadvantaged, and so worthy of a measure of compensation, but as simply unfit, and so worthy of eugenic repair” (92). To Sandel, human genetic enhancement flies in the face of communitarianism, disrespects the “sanctity of life, and […] of nature” (93), and privileges Mastery and Control over Openness to the Unbidden.
Another of Sandel’s objections to human genetic enhancement is that it blurs the line between Health and Eugenics. Although many genetic enhancements are developed to treat diseases like Alzheimer’s or cancer, Sandel points out the broader implications: that people could use this technology to select out certain genes and traits that are deemed “undesirable.” This has the potential to be used for eugenicist purposes that could have devastating consequences for humanity.
Sandel has written extensively on the ethics of human genetic enhancement, particularly human cloning. He also served on the President’s Council of Bioethics during the George W. Bush administration. In addition to The Case Against Perfection and the original 2004 Atlantic essay of the same name, his essays “Embryo Ethics: The Moral Logic of Stem Cell Research” and “Ethical Implications of Human Cloning” tackle the subject of bioethics. In addition to his work on bioethics, Sandel primarily writes about politics, justice, and democracy. His writing has received critical acclaim around the world and has been translated into 27 languages. Notable works include Liberalism and the Limits of Justice (1982), What Money Can’t Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets (2012), and The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good? (2020). His writing is enduringly popular, and he has led talks, lectures, and debates around the world.
Jürgen Habermas is a German philosopher specializing in political and social theory, epistemology, and pragmatics. He was born in 1929 in Düsseldorf, in what is now Germany. His father, Ernst Habermas, was a Nazi sympathizer, and Habermas himself was a Hitler Youth leader. In the early 1950s, Habermas attended the universities of Göttingen, Zurich, and Bonn, eventually completing a doctorate in philosophy in 1954. In 1962, he published The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, which tackled the development of the public sphere throughout history and looked at how it has been transformed by the introduction of mass media and capitalism. It was published in English in 1989. Habermas’ most notable work, The Theory of Communicative Action, was published in 1981. Habermas has debated with other notable philosophers like Michel Foucault, John Rawls, and Jacques Derrida about a variety of subjects. He also heavily criticized German historians Ernst Nolte, Michael Stürmer, Klaus Hildebrand and Andreas Hillgruber for trying to erase the rise of the Nazi party from broader German history, and he has accused these historians of being Nazi apologists. He takes particular offense at Nolte, Stürmer, Hildebrand, and Hillgruber’s attempts to justify the rise of the Nazi party as a response to Bolshevism and to glorify the actions of the German army on the Eastern Front in Russia.
Sandel cites Habermas’ The Future of Human Nature, published in 2003, on Nazi eugenics in the Holocaust. Like Sandel, Habermas explicitly opposes “liberal eugenics,” just as he opposes “old eugenics.” His objections largely stem from the fact that liberal eugenics, or voluntary genetic intervention to select or improve children, “violates the liberal principles of autonomy and equality” (80). Sandel finds this reasoning somewhat wanting but concedes that there is a connection between the “the contingency of a life’s beginning that is not at our disposal and the freedom to give one’s life an ethical shape” (82). Genetically modifying children flies in the face of this connection and threatens the ability of humans to act ethically.
Francis Galton (1822-1911) was a British polymath. He wrote over 340 papers and books in his lifetime on a wide range of subjects, including mathematics, medicine, cartography, psychology, and eugenics. Born in Birmingham, England, Galton was the half-cousin of Charles Darwin. Like Darwin, Galton was fascinated with the origin and development of the human species, and he drew from Darwin’s On the Origins of Species and The Descent of Man for his own research into human variation. Galton was especially interested in discovering if human ability was heritable. He coined the phrase “nature versus nurture” to describe the interplay between the influences of genetics and experience in human development. His work Hereditary Genius, published in 1869, examines this question in detail and concludes that nature rather than nurture has the bigger impact. Galton developed the theory that families of “merit” should intermarry to produce superior offspring, while those who were poor or otherwise “unfit” should be discouraged from reproducing entirely. He coined the term “eugenics” to describe this process of improving the human gene pool through selective breeding. Interestingly, Galton and his wife never had any children.
Galton has been criticized for his views on eugenics and for constructing and upholding a racial hierarchy that viewed white people as superior to all others and called for the eventual eradication of so-called inferior races. His work has been used as the basis for scientific racism since the 1800s. Sandel examines the impact of Galton’s eugenics on the world of bioethics, particularly how eugenics has impacted the desire for human genetic enhancements and the pursuit of perfection. The popularization of Galton’s eugenics created a desire for superiority and control among certain populations. It resulted in legislation that prevented “those with undesirable genes from reproducing” through programs of mass sterilization of “mental patients, prisoners, and paupers” (65) in the US. Nazi Germany adopted eugenicist policies that were inspired by the sterilization efforts in the US. They went beyond “steriliz[ing] the unfit” (67) and eventually attempted to create a genetically “pure” race of Aryan Germans by exterminating 6 million Jewish people (and Romani people, and others) who were deemed to be racially inferior threats to the German people. The legacy of Galton’s eugenics cannot be overstated in the development of Nazi eugenics, though the ideas do not come from Galton alone.
George W. Bush is a former US president and member of the Republican Party. He served two terms as president, from 2001 until 2009. As president, Bush’s policies were largely influenced by the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center, which resulted in the American invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq. Bush’s domestic policies were also influenced by his religious background. He was extremely popular in evangelical Christian circles for being pro-life and against marriage equality. His views on stem cell research are an example of his pro-life beliefs; while Bush was supportive of stem cell research that used adult stem cells, he opposed embryonic stem cell research. He vetoed the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act in 2006, which would have repealed the Dickey-Wicker Amendment and given funding to “new embryonic stem cell research” that sought to “promote cures for diabetes, Parkinson’s, and other degenerative diseases” (102). The Dickey-Wicker Amendment forbids the use of federal funding for research involving the creation and destruction of human embryos. This was the first time Bush had used his presidential power to veto a bill. As Sandel explains in the epilogue of The Case Against Perfection, Bush was opposed to this kind of research because he viewed the taking of cells from a blastocyst to be “the taking of innocent human life” (103), although he also said that he did not regard blastocyst destruction as “murder.” Regarding stem cells or embryos as full human life is a standard pro-life argument and has been used to justify calls for the criminalization of abortion.
Bush’s position against embryonic stem cell research is hypocritical according to Sandel, because if Bush had truly believed that destroying embryonic cells was tantamount to taking a life, he would have banned embryonic stem cell research outright. Instead, all Bush did was restrict federal funding. Nevertheless, Bush’s claim equating the destruction of embryonic stem cells with murder has had consequences not only for the field of stem cell research, but also for reproductive rights in the US. The pro-life movement advocates for embryos and reproductive cells to have the same status as people. It has called for tight control over pregnant people’s bodies and prioritizing the birth of a fetus over the life of the mother, regardless of circumstance. George Bush was not the originator of these beliefs, but his public opposition to embryonic stem cell research and his declaration that embryonic cells are people has fueled the pro-life movement in the US for years.
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By Michael J. Sandel
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